It's not just journalists kind of
wanting to to amplify things. It's also
that a government is trying to control a
news flow. If because he wants the Nobel
Prize prize so much, Donald Trump
actually affects any of those outcomes,
I'd say give it to him.
>> There you go. Wow. I was not expecting
that, Harriet.
[Music]
Hello and welcome to Electoral
Dysfunction from Sky News with me, Beth
Rickby, Mir Davidson,
>> and me, Harry Harmon.
>> And welcome to a very special Q&A
episode from us. Thank you for sending
in all of your questions. We're going to
get through as many as we can today.
>> And remember to send us more on the
burner phone. just WhatsApp us on
07934200LE4
or you can always email us um on
electoral dysfunctions sky.uk UK. And
it's worth saying that we're recording
this at the end of July, but it's a
little summer treat for you all. And as
you are listening to this, I'm hopefully
if everything goes according to plan, in
a swimming pool, lucky me.
>> People across the nation just switch off
and go.
>> They're just like, "Oh, shut up, Beth.
Shut up, you smugget. Shut up."
>> Now, most important question. Are you
going for a one piece or a two-piece?
>> Oh, always. Ever since the children,
Ruth, it's a one piece for me.
>> Yeah. What about you?
>> To be honest, actually, Beth, do you
know? More likely. I'm going to Ireland,
so more likely wet suit.
>> Oh, you're being in a wet suit. You're
being in a wet suit under an umbrella.
Enjoy it. And that's not a sun. That's
not a parasol, babes.
>> No, it's not a parasol.
>> Well, look, so let's crack on with this.
Uh, we have a Q&A session for you. Uh,
I'm kind of like the MC on this because
it's really This is the Harriet and Ruth
show and I'm very happy because I've got
half a quest I need to finish eating.
So, this is good. Uh, first up is Sue.
Hi there. I have a question about XMPPS.
When someone wins Wimbledon, they're
made a member for life and get free
center court tickets every year. Do
XMPPS get a lifetime House of Commons
pass? Are they allowed in? Are the
corridors swamped with sadl looking
atonians turning up for a cheap pint or
is that it? They're out barred, never
coming in again. Thanks.
>> Well, I'm very overexited um over
stimulated by this question from Sue
because all things to do with the
institution of parliament, no matter how
detailed, kind of I find me, you know,
I've got to sort myself out on this. But
anyway, Sue, um the whole thing about
being an MP is it's very like
institutional living. It's where you
know you eat, you socialize as as well
as work and therefore it is very brutal
if suddenly the voters decide to chuck
you out and MPs are given a pass for
life afterwards to come into the House
of Commons but there's certain areas
that they can't actually go into. Um but
actually one of the things that can be
done is like for example with Boris
Johnson after the privileges committee
inquiry which I chaired um we proposed
to parliament that he be denied his life
pass as part of his uh punishment for
misleading the house of commons. So it's
a privilege which you can have. It lets
you go to some parts of the House of
Commons but not all. And then of course
there's the former MPs who are in the
House of Lords who were allowed
supposedly to go into the tea room and
the bars and things like that. But
actually we don't because we know we've
had our time. It's the new ones who are
in there. We can't be sitting there
having our big full English breakfast
when they're needing to have their full
English breakfasts
>> on Big Beasts of Parliament or
Parliament Pass. I remember this thing
about Boris Johnson and the privilege
committee and his pass and being
suspended. He then resigned as an MP,
didn't he? So, does he not have a pass?
Can Boris Johnson not go into the
commons?
>> No. One of the um uh sanctions against
him for misleading the House of Commons
was that he wouldn't get the normal
privilege of having a pass for life from
the House of Commons. So, he hasn't got
that. So you're not gonna bump into him
in Port Cullis House or any of the other
places in and around Parliament.
>> That must have made him furious. Do you
think?
>> I don't know. I think that, you know,
the House of Commons thought it was
appropriate that him having done such a
bad thing to Parliament, i.e. misleading
Parliament, he wasn't entitled to the
privilege of coming back there.
>> There you go. There you go, Sue.
>> So there's some other stuff as well.
Well, I've I can give you additional
information if that's even at all
possible to what Harriet has provided,
which is one on the Wimbledon side, you
don't have to win it to be uh allowed to
have tickets every year and be invited
back. You only have to be a
quarterfinalist. It's called the the um
eight uh last eight club. Uh you get
those privileges. But in terms of
parliament itself, also other
parliaments can have reciprocal
arrangements. MEPs when we were still in
Europe used to be able to get a
parliamentary pass uh for the Commons
and MPs could get a a reciprocal pass if
they applied for the devolved
administrations or certainly for
Hollywood uh and you're able to get in
and out. Now, I completely on brand amit
to a former MSP's pass for Hollywood,
but because Billy, who's the guy that's
done security there, I think since it
opened in 1999, only does your pictures
for your pass every second Tuesday
morning of a blue moon between the hours
of 10:00 and 10:30. I've never actually
applied for it. So, every time I go
back, or anytime I go back to Hollywood,
I have to like queue up and and go
through uh you know, the scanners and
all the rest of it. And I don't mind
because actually most of the security
staff are still there. So I'd like have
a nice chat on my way in. But I I am
technically entitled to a pass. I just
have never claimed one.
>> But you know when I was first an MP,
there was no such thing as MP's passes.
No such thing as security staff.
Literally anybody members of the public
MPs would just walk in and out. And the
police officers who were there were
there to actually tell people where to
go, not to keep people out. The security
landscape just in since then has
absolutely transformed.
>> Well, there you go.
>> And that's the point of central lobby,
isn't it? The history of central lobby
is that everybody has the right to see
their MP. And in the olden days before
you had the sort of um mass transport
that meant you could always get home for
your constituency surgery, you could go
home on a Thursday night for your
constituency surgery on a Friday. If you
were in London and wanted to see your
MP, you were allowed to just come in and
stand in central lobby and sort of grab
them on the way out the chamber.
>> You put in a little green card. You'd
come into central lobby, put in a little
green card, and the House of Commons
staff would give it to your MP, a little
green card saying, "X, your constituent
is waiting to see you in central lobby."
And that's how it used to work. But the
security threat
>> has just changed, ramped up over the
years. So, it's a shame that's not
possible anymore.
>> Well, when I was a kid, you could get
into Downing Street right up to the
door. They didn't have They've got a
fence now at the edge. You've seen it on
the TV. You see those railings. Those
railings didn't used to exist. And you
could put a petition through the letter
box and have your photograph taken on
this door. The good old days
>> like William Hey did. Do you remember
that picture of William Hey on the
doorstep of number 10 because he wanted
to be prime minister.
>> Oh, and he bid to become the leader of
the opposition, but it was not to be.
Now he's the head of um Oxford
University, isn't he? Am I going mad?
>> No, you are. He won the election.
Chancellor.
>> Yeah,
>> that's one election he did win.
>> Yeah, there you go. Who knew that this
question would go here? I mean, goodness
me.
>> God, they can't shut us up. We can't
shut ourselves up this morning, can we?
>> We've Okay, we've completed our
questions.
>> Yeah. No, no. I've got to I've got to
big up William Hey, because in terms of
thoughtfulness and people that I think
have grown out of the paste that they
once were, like just people that have
gained respect through hard work, I
think William Hey is one of them. And
>> you know, in terms of his work,
particularly on violence against women
and girls when he was at the foreign
office, did a really good job. and and
you know leaders that you wish you might
have had rather or prime ministers you
wish you might have had rather than ones
that actually made it.
>> Yeah. He was the one that put the
question of sexual violence against
women in conflict and in war on the
public agenda with Angelina Jolie.
>> There you go. Okay. Well, next up it's
it's Sean. A question for Ruth and me I
think. So Sean says, "Hi ladies, with
reform's latest defection from the
Tories announced, I wanted to know if
you think these people jumping ship are
just chancers and that they're trying to
be in the winning party. And if so, do
you think that the Tories should wipe
their hands with them if they try to
jump back if reform plunge in the
polls?"
>> Oh, I think that's one for you, Ruth,
rather than me.
>> Yeah, I mean, I think I think defections
come in a couple of different
categories, don't they? There's people
that have felt for a long time that
their party is moving further and
further from where their values are. Uh,
and there comes a a point or an issue
where they just think in in good
conscience I I can't I don't fit
anymore. This, you know, you know, my
mom might have brought me up to dance
with the person that brought me, but I
no longer feel like I can be honest with
myself and comfortable with myself in
this vehicle. And the decision that you
then have is do I join another vehicle
or do I decide to sit as an independent
or do I resign and stop doing
professional politics. Uh and I think
that there for all the the chat that
people have about politicians never
believing in anything. Um you would be
surprised how many people wrestle with
their conscience on certain issues and
how many doubts that there are. And
actually, dare I say it, politicians can
be quite thoughtful and quite
philosophical people. It's just you
don't always see that when we're
shouting at each other at PMQ's. Um, in
terms of this particular issue,
it's it's funny because cuz the the kind
of conservatism that I represent, I
think is very far from reform, but there
are some people within the Conservative
party that see almost the conservative
reform spectrum as as a continuum and
that actually one and that actually one
bleeds into the other and there may even
be a bit of crossover in it. Um, I don't
see it like that. That's not my
particular type of of actually liberal
unionism, which is what where the
conservatives grew up in Scotland. We we
grew from the the liberal unionist
tradition. Um, so I would have a real
difficulty with with that. Um, in terms
of these people, I'm not sure if people
came back, they would be accepted back
into the Tories or not. Um, but for me,
I think they are very different parties
and it's no different to if you cross
the floor to join Labor or the Lib Dems
and you generally don't get back in what
you've left.
>> I was thinking about this the other day
because I've been up to interview Andrea
Jenkins who's now the new uh greater
Lincoln sheer reform mayor. She was a
former Conservative minister, close ally
of Johnson. she defected and her view
was that the Conservative party had
moved uh too far away from what she
thought were her conservative values.
That was her view and she talked about
uh low taxation
in particular. Uh I then pointed out
that reform were actually on one side
sort of socially conservative but being
quite left more more left when it came
to economics. The reason I brought it up
Ruth was I was thinking when I was
interviewing her or talking to her I
just I wasn't really we were just
chatting um about you know it was only a
year and a half ago so Tory party
conference of uh 2023 when Rishi Sunnak
could become prime minister uh Nigel
Farage was there they were doing this
you know make Britain great again um
sort of uh think tank campaign group
within the conservative party. Farage
was in there, you know, dancing with
Pretty Patel. Now, the shadow foreign
secretary Liz Truss was on the front
row. Jacob Reese Moog was on the front
row and some other Conservatives. And
isn't it a world away from a
Conservative party back in October 2023
that was playing footsie if you like uh
with Farage uh and there was all talk
about a tie up, etc., etc. And now it's
kind of post that brutal election in
which the conservatives realized that
the uh reform party were coming for them
in what could be quite an existential
threat that now it is uh a situation of
both parties being deeply opposed uh to
each other.
Do you find that interesting, Ruth? Like
the journey that the two have been on?
Yeah, I mean to a degree, but I find
more interesting when you were talking
about the kind of cast of characters at
that Conservative Party conference. I
find what's more interesting and and and
and for me more alarming the journey
from a Conservative Party conference
where you had David Cameron as leader,
you had Justine Greening, you had Greg
Clark, you had Dominic Griev, you had,
you know, you had all these you had, you
know, as we, as we've just talked about,
William Hey, uh, you know, you had all
of these people. you had a really broad
tent and and and yes, you had people
like Liam Fox that were representing the
right of the party who you know that
that it the idea we've gone from such a
broad church to now fighting in in such
a kind of almost
on such a small patch of ground.
>> Yeah. um over immigration and and and
kind of fighting on issues and and you
know the attack that Kem is getting from
within the party or he would say that
he's trying to be supportive but but in
terms of the challenge she's getting
from within the parties from Robert
Genrich it's all on this really narrow
patch of land and if you look at the the
broad sways of policy that's out there
that affects people uh in economics in
business in social care in public
services in education in opportunities
for young people you we could fight on
any ground and that the fights that
we're choosing to have right now are on
this really really narrow patch of gr
ground where we're being outflanked on
the right and we're drifting ever
further towards there and and and it
makes me sad as somebody that believes
in big tent conservatism
>> and to be fair to Boris Johnson who as
you know I I hold very little time for
he did at least appoint people to his
cabinet that were of very very wide and
disperate views that came from both
edges
>> but isn't part of the problem that that
what has remained as the sorry how it's
interrupt but part of The problem for
the Conservatives now is what has
remained as the rump of the party, the
121 MPs, are they disproportionately
from uh the right, you know, those
traditional um you know, die in the wool
uh conservative seats? I don't know the
answer to I haven't actually done a poll
on it, but is that part of the problem
that a lot of the the wing of the party
that you were in just doesn't exist
within the parliamentary party anymore?
Well, I think that there are individuals
that happen to sit in those seats who
have more liberal views. But I think
when your party is under threat and and
I think this happens to all parties when
you're reducing rather than expanding,
>> you talk to your base to try and
generate your base to come out for you.
You don't then talk to try and convert
others who have previously voted for
other parties at different elections.
And and you kind of saw it under Corbin
as well. They fought in a very narrow
patch of ground as well uh and and got
swamped. Um not the first election in
2017, but in in 2019. Um you know, they
they they really struggled because by
that point they'd been pigeonholed into
a very very left-wing party that was not
talking to the whole country. And and
the lesson for politics in this country
is that you have to your air war, your
broadcast war, it has to be open and
accessible and people have to feel that
there's a place within your party and
that you will represent them if you want
to win. And at the moment, I think the
Tory party just wants to survive. It
doesn't look as if it wants to win. Um,
but we have slightly strayed from the
question about defections, but it's it's
still an interesting journey to to
catalog. I think
>> that's really really interesting. Ruth,
do you see any fight back within the
tries? Is there any organized activity
that we can't perceive but which is
about trying to move the the party back
into the center ground? I can't kind of
see it.
>> Yeah. So, so there is so you've got the
various groups and organizations that
that exist under um sort of political
banners and you have them in labor as
well, different think tanks, so like
onward and you've got um groups like the
uh conservative environmental network,
LGBT and all all that sort of stuff. So
you've got all of these groups that
exist that that are populated by um
people who are still
of the center more centerright views
rather than than than right views. Um
but the difficulty that they have is
that they have that same sort of
confliction that we saw a lot of
parliamentarians under Corbin have like
Jess like West Streeting etc etc uh who
want to be loyal to the party that they
want to support the leader that they you
know they joined an organization because
they wanted to help the organization and
the vehicle of it but they struggle with
the fact that what the vehicle is
espousing is not their own beliefs. So
yeah, there is some intellectual work
that's going on in terms of um people
like Neil O'Brien writing pamphlets, uh
you know, other MPs that are thinking
about stuff, people like Tom Tugenhhat
that are trying to make balance uh in
there,
>> people that are wanting to particularly
in the culture wars that have been going
on in the last few years, people that
are wanting to be visible allies to the
LGBT uh sort of grouping. Uh so so so
yes, absolutely there's still people
that are of the center right. Um, but
remember, we're still shell shocked.
It's a year since we got absolutely
annihilated at the election. We've just
had that massive shift from government
to opposition, which takes people's time
to get their head around it. I I think
the party itself as an entity hasn't
regrouped, never mind the various
elements within the party. So, you know,
it'll take time, but we never used to
have reform before. So, when we got
kicked out in 97, we were given time. We
weren't being attacked on the right as
well as the left. We had to we had to
find our own identity.
>> But actually, I was just remembering
that Boris Johnson, ironically, was
paving the way for the dominance of the
right in the Tory party when he kicked
out a whole swave of senior um centrist
Tory MPs over Brexit. Do you remember he
kicked out Ken Clark? He kicked out
David Gawk, a whole load of them. And
that meant that the senior people that
could have been a centrist center of
gravity within the Tory party had gone.
>> All right. Well, look, well, um, that
was very interesting. I enjoyed that
discussion. Lots of food for thought
about reform via the Conservatives. Uh,
something we're going to be coming back
to a lot next year, but for the moment,
we're going to go to an ad break.
Right. Next up, we have a question for
Ramen. Uh, she says, "The next general
election isn't for another four years,
yet the news cycle sounds and feels as
though we have an imminent election and
we're just waiting for the lect turn
outside 10 Downing Street. My thoughts
are that we have a media and a
commentary class that are used to
talking about endless political chaos
post Brexit. What are your thoughts and
why do we keep talking about an election
that is 4 years away?"
>> I've got lots of thoughts about this.
The first thing to say is I I think you
do have a point. I do think that there
has been years of political turmoil and
the kind of the the media class if you
like have got used to living through
turmoil
and then when you think things are going
to settle down a bit there is a sort of
blank sheet where you think oh so we're
not going to do as much politics maybe
we're going to talk a bit more about
policy.
Um, and that is an adjustment. So, I I I
can sort of I empathize with you a bit
or I can understand what you're you're
saying that the the the media class
being used to this endless political
chaos and they kind of are a bit
addicted to it. I I can sort of see that
point and I can see why it looks like
that. The counterpoints to that, I've
got three things to to say about that.
The first is that um
the media environment has changed a lot
in the past decade through the sort of
the revolution that is uh social media
and digital consumption and a
proliferation of uh the way in which we
consume news and platforms that need to
be fed. So, when I first started out in
journalism a thousand years ago, you
know, we uh made a newspaper, we put it
together, we printed it, we'd wait for
the headlines to drop at 10 p.m. Your
scoop would go in the if you got one
would go, you know, go on the front page
and that would generate a news cycle. We
now live in a world where we have 24
hours, 7 days a week news cycles and a
machine that is kind of is moving
constantly uh with constant news flow
and not just from here but also globally
that we we are in a much more
interconnected world. So I think the I
think the environment has changed and in
a way the media has responded to that by
kind of filling the the growing bucket
uh of which uh people are are consuming
news or news is being produced and and
broadcast from. It's not we don't live
in a world where you have you know three
linear channels and everyone tunes into
the news at 10 or the news at 6. So I
think there's a different beast to feed
point one. Um the second thing is is
that whether you are one year out from
election or 3 years out from election or
four years out from election uh
politicians need to feed the space as
well. So I think there's competition to
be heard and I think that sort of drives
uh the news agenda. It's not just
journalists kind of wanting to to
amplify things. It's also that a
government is trying to control a news
flow or and then you have competition
from reform and the conservatives and
and other people trying to find their
space. And then number three, um I think
that there is still a lot more political
chaos than I thought there would be. And
that has driven news and that has driven
a sense of uh this endless political
chaos didn't just stop with a a
landslide election victory. And that has
been partly driven by a government that
uh has itself mismanaged itself in some
ways. So all the drama around Sue Gray
in the first 100 days, the chief of
staff, you then had Trump coming in and
that was another uh whirlwind in which a
lot of political chaos has been created.
And then you have uh other events that
are happening such as the welfare uh
bill which politically could have been
managed better and I think people in
number 10 would say that but it was
mismanaged and that also creates a sense
of chaos. So I'm not I'm not disagreeing
with you that there is a political class
be it politicians or media actually that
have got used to sort of being you know
on a drip feed of the sugar rush of of
constant political instability and chaos
but I think there's other underlying
factors that are still driving a lot of
a lot of the news agenda. Does that seem
fair? Anyone disagree with me? I think
all that's very true, but I think it's
worth remembering that still most people
don't really think about politics um
until it comes to the general election.
Albeit that having been said, we have
got Welsh and Scottish elections next
year. So I think mostly people don't
think about politics until it comes to
the fact that they've got to cast their
vote. And often if they are thinking
about politics is something it's because
something bad is happening that's
intruding on them getting on with their
lives. But we're very different from
from everybody else in that well
certainly I am. I think about politics
all the time. Obviously it's changed the
DNA in my brain being in politics over
it's like it's worring around the entire
time.
>> I I agree Harriet that that most people
like they couldn't tell you who the
transport minister is. They don't think
about politics every day of your of
their life. But I do think that there
are national moods and national trends
and people have a sense of whether the
government is doing well, whether the
country is doing well or not or whether
they're dissatisfied. And and I think
one of the reasons that the pitch of the
coverage is a is a bit more as if we're
we're still in a kind of electoral
battle rather than one's just been
settled for a long time. Is because we
have a recent history where elections
weren't settled. So it is unusual to
have a series of elections in 2015,
2017, 2019 like we had.
>> Yeah, that's true.
>> So, so we we are used to, oh well, they
say it's going to last 5 years, but is
it really?
>> That's a really good point, Ruth. And
also I even if even if I think about
what you're saying in terms of the past
5 years and how I've reported it, I mean
I remember sitting in a studio in 2019
when Boris Johnson won an 80 seat
majority
uh and we were all there saying he's
changed the political landscape. He's
redrawn the political map. He's taken a
load of seats uh from Labor. He's
managed to put together a a Brexit uh
coalition. he's going to probably govern
for two terms. And then and then it was
like, you know, building a a house of
cards on the sand. It all it all
collapsed and fell away and a mix of a
pandemic and Boris Johnson's own way of
governing, etc. So, we don't need to go
part, you know, haul over the old coals
of that. But the point is, I think
you're right, Ruth, is that now there's
a kind of skepticism about the rules
that you thought governed post-war
politics or how First Pass the post
worked that they kind of got thrown up
in the air with Johnson. The other the
only other thing I would say um going
back to uh Ramen's point is that I do
think that social media, Twitter um
constant um online live rolling blogs,
the way in which the that even in the
past sort of seven eight years um the
way in which uh we present political
news you go on to a a website now and
every single twist and turn of a a labor
rebellion for example is being played
out in live blogs and rolling news.
everything gets amplified. But I think
that's a feature. I don't think that's
necessarily a feature of journalists, as
you said, how did you put it? Kind of
being used to the endless political
chaos. I think it's actually part of
bigger, broader structural changes in in
media and the way in which we consume uh
not just news, but the way in which we
consume information, right?
>> There there isn't a story that's being
told alongside the individual access,
the individual actions of this
government. And I think that's a problem
for the government that they've not
they've not given us this umbrella, this
philosophy, this guiding light of what
the the country is going to look like in
five or 10 years to hang all of these
different policies off. And and that
creates a problem because then people
don't have that sense that the
government knows where it's going. They
don't have that that that sense that,
you know, we're moving in the right
direction. And the worry for you and me
is that come the next election, people
think, well, we've tried the Tories and
we tried Labor and we didn't really like
either. we might as well give reform a
go, you know, and and that's for for
somebody from the Conservative Party,
from somebody from the Labour Party like
you, Harriet, that the worry is that
that actually government, and you see
this when people go from and the
difficulties they have when they go from
opposition to government is government
is really hard. both Labour and the
Conservatives are kind of understanding
or they're certainly saying to me
politicians in both s in both those
parties that they really have to begin
to try and take on reform in terms of
their actual policies and try to debunk
some of the things that they're
promising and put them under scrutiny.
So, I think that's probably going to be
a feature of 2026 as we go into those um
those elections in May. But look, let's
we've got another question here which um
I can't wait to see what you two say
about this. I sort of think I might be
able to guess. This one's from Lisa.
It's nice and short, but oh so
complicated.
Read this. Beth. Okay, ready. Should
Donald Trump be awarded the Nobel Peace
Prize?
Who wants to go first on that one? Well,
I I I want to see peace in Ukraine, a
just peace um with Putin pushed back. I
want to see an end to the absolute
horrific slaughter in Gaza and the
hostages returned. I' I'd like to see
peace in Sudan, which is an absolutely
horrific conflict. And if because he
wants the Nobel Prize prize so much,
Donald Trump actually affects any of
those outcomes, I'd say give it to him.
>> There you go.
>> Wow. I was not expecting that, Harriet.
I was not expecting that. I actually, in
a weird way, I kind of agree. And if he
does manage to sort things out and and
have a just end to conflict in all of
the various hotspots around the world,
anyone that can manage that and use the
convening power of the Oval Office to do
it deserves to have it irrespective of
what you think
>> of them uh themselves. But I'm I'm kind
of I'm going back through some of the
recipients, the International Committee
of the Red Cross, Dag Hammerskll, the
first UN Secretary General, Martin
Luther King. Um, and then there's some
others in there that you think really
people like Kissinger, people like
Woodro Wilson, again, you know, two
Americans there. Um, so it's it's not
always people like Mother Theresa, who
did win it
>> back in the 70s. Um, it is people that
do hard things. I think
>> in terms of people that have won it
that are my favorites, if you're allowed
to have them, I really love those
mothers from Northern Ireland that won
it. Remember when in the was it the 80s
or the '90s?
>> Uh who'd come from different parts of
the sectarian divide in Northern Ireland
and had worked incredibly hard to put
their communities back together after
the troubles.
>> Uh but also like I have a warm and
abiding love for Mikail Gorbachov. He
was such a big figure when I was growing
up. And if you think now of the
pressures within his country, what he
managed to do by working with Reagan,
with Thatcher, with others, the absolute
transformation that he managed to affect
in his nation. I mean, he's the sort of
person that absolutely deserves to have
it. Um, I don't know. I think it is
unlikely that Donald Trump is going to
manage to reach those heights.
>> And it's been a bit nauseating. Benjamin
Netanyahu he's who is doing such an
appalling slaughter which is heading up
to nearly 60,000 in Gaza people killed
mostly women and children civilians um
that he's put in a nomination for Trump
to the um Nobel Peace Prize Committee.
>> So where have we landed? Is that a no
really from all of us?
>> I think wait and see.
>> Yeah, exactly. I mean, if he can do some
of Well, he's already he's already
flunked his own test. You know, he was
going to bring peace to Ukraine within
the first 100 days of his presidency.
You know, the first 100 days have been
and gone, and we're no no closer to it.
The drone strikes are or if anything
amplifying.
>> Um,
but if he can, then absolutely, fair
play. Anyone that can bring peace to the
Middle East deserves a bloody peace
prize and and uh can stop an
expansionist uh irudentist Russia uh
deserves a peace prize. But the
indications are not that he is going to
be successful in the remaining 3 and 1/2
years of his presidency. And that's all
we have.
>> Let's wrap up there. So if you have any
more burning questions, send them to our
burner phone. The number to WhatsApp is
or you can always email electrical
dysfunctions sky.uk.
Keep sending them in. We like answering
them even when they're hard. Goodbye.
Goodbye.
>> Goodbye.